Lived experiences of Roma people in England and Wales: 2025

• People identifying as ethnically Roma in England and Wales are from a range of backgrounds, including those who have migrated from other European countries and those born in the UK. 

• Non-UK-born participants widely reported ethnic discrimination in countries of origin as an important driver of migration, alongside histories of persecution and intergenerational trauma, which influenced identities, perceptions of safety and trust in public services. 

• Non-UK-born participants frequently described feeling welcome in the UK, although some participants across the wider sample also described experiences of discrimination and stereotyping linked to their ethnicity and other aspects of identity, including nationality.

• Both UK- and non-UK-born participants found that the public in England and Wales had limited awareness of Roma as a distinct ethnic group; this allowed individuals to choose whether to disclose their identity depending on how safe they felt, but also created barriers to effective service provision. 

• Participants made suggestions for improving Roma engagement with public services, including educating service providers about Roma heritage, experiences of discrimination and specific needs, improving representation of Roma in public institutions, increasing digital and language skills within Roma communities, and developing a National Roma Strategy. 

• Limited availability of data on Roma populations in the UK was identified as a fundamental barrier to informed service provision, with participants noting that Roma ethnicity categories were not consistently available in data collection and that concerns about discrimination also led to reluctance to disclose their identity. 

• Celebrating Roma music, dance, food and other expressions of identity was widely seen as a way to foster curiosity about Roma population, encourage dialogue and build bridges with other, non-Roma communities.

A brief video showing our main findings is also available in English and in five variants of Romanes.

Roma in Europe and the UK 

Roma have resided in Europe for over six centuries, settling across the continent, as noted in the Council of Europe's Protecting the rights of Roma publication. The term "Roma" encompasses different population groups, with multiple traditions, beliefs and experiences that are influenced by the wider socio-political contexts of the countries where they live. The term was endorsed during the first World Romani Congress in 1971, which also established the Roma anthem and flag. Some Roma speak one of several variants of the Roma language, Romanes, in addition to the language(s) of the countries where they live. 

Both historically and contemporarily, Roma have been referred to by some as "Gypsies". For those who identify as ethnically Roma, having their ethnicity misidentified as "Gypsy" can be offensive. This can be exacerbated by the term "Gypsy" sometimes being used in derogatory ways, according to the European Network Against Racism. 

While the history of migration of Roma to the UK is complex, most migrated following the 2004 and 2007 EU accessions, with some also having sought asylum in the 1990s, according to the Roma Support Group. ​​Over 103,000 people in England and Wales identified as Roma in Census 2021. However, there are suggestions that the actual number may be considerably higher, as noted in the Traveller Movement's Briefing on Census 2021 for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people. Recent census data from Scotland and census data from Northern Ireland report 3,218 and 1,529 individuals identifying as Roma, respectively. The National Records of Scotland has also identified issues with ethnicity reporting, noting in its Quality Assurance report on population estimates and ethnic group that some individuals born in Rome, Italy, may have mistakenly selected the Roma category.

Roma have experienced a history of persecution spanning several centuries. For example, this includes over 500 years of slavery in Romanian territories (read more in the Ian F Hancock's book, We are the Romani People), extermination during the Holocaust known as "Porrajmos" (read more in Holocaust Memorial Day Trust's The Roma Genocide), forced sterilisation and segregated education (read more in Ryan Powell and Huub van Baar's The Invisibilization of Anti-Roma Racisms). The Council of Europe has published evidence that Roma continue to experience discrimination and antigypsyism.

Evidence from both the UK (read more in Office for Health Improvement and Disparities' guidance for Improving Roma health) and Europe (read more in European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights' report on Perspectives from the Roma Survey 2024) indicates that Roma communities experience lower life expectancy and disproportionately negative outcomes across multiple areas, including employment, health, education and housing. There is also evidence that outcomes can vary for different national groups. For example, Slovak and Romanian Roma were more likely to report overcrowding in Census 2021.

Gypsy, Roma, Traveller (GRT) umbrella term 

In the UK policy context, Roma are often grouped together with those identifying as Gypsy or Traveller under a combined "Gypsy/Roma/Traveller" ethnic group category. The groups are sometimes mistaken as a single ethnic group by the public, according to GOV.UK's Ethnicity facts and figures. Despite this, it is widely acknowledged that each of these groups has different needs and challenges, with the experiences of many Roma shaped by migration and pre-migration experiences in their countries of origin (see Migration Yorkshire's National Roma Network 2015 to 2017 report). Furthermore, most Roma in the UK and the EU live in fixed accommodation and have settled lifestyles, as highlighted by James in Criminalising Gypsies, Roma and Travellers in the UK.

Limitations in ethnicity data

In 2019, the Women and Equalities Committee's report on inequalities faced by Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities highlighted the need for better data relating to these groups. Recent censuses across the UK were the first to include a separate "Roma" tick box. The Government Statistical Service is currently reviewing how ethnicity data are collected across the public sector, with plans to publish the new standard by the end of 2026. In response to the review, a briefing paper drawing on perspectives from civil society organisations and academics (PDF, 4.3MB) highlighted the importance of disaggregated ethnicity data.

Despite the improving classification and data standards, challenges in achieving accurate representation persist. Individuals may mistrust the reasons behind data collection and choose not to self-identify. Additionally, small response rates or sample sizes can require Roma data to be aggregated with other ethnic groups to reduce disclosure risk and enable analysis. Aggregation is sometimes necessary to enable alignment between different data sources. This can mask the differences between groups and influence how their experiences are interpreted. 

This study

In 2021, the Inclusive Data Taskforce (IDTF) published a report that included recommendations for improving inclusivity of UK data and evidence. The National Statistician published a response to the IDTF report, committing to strengthening the UK data infrastructure and to expanding methods for understanding the lived experiences of underrepresented groups. Among these, Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities were prioritised, having been identified by the IDTF as some of the most underrepresented groups.

To take this forward, in 2022 the Office for National Statistics (ONS) conducted a study exploring Gypsies' and Travellers' lived experiences. Following input from the study's advisory group, it was agreed that Roma experiences should be explored through ​​a separate research project, recognising their distinct identities, experiences and needs. The All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for Gypsies, Travellers and Roma also requested evidence on Roma lived experiences.​​

This research is supported by several government departments, including the Department for Health and Social Care, Department for Education, Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, UK Health Security Agency, Cabinet Office, Home Office, and Welsh Government. These stakeholders expressed interest in understanding how lived experiences of Roma shape their outcomes across different areas of life. They were also interested in exploring experiences of interactions with services, with a view to generating insights that may be relevant to policy considerations. Representatives of these departments participated in focus groups with Roma participants and provided regular input on policy context, stakeholder engagement and areas of interest as part of the cross-government advisory group.

This research explores the lived experiences of Roma people in England and Wales, focusing on identity, migration, needs, and interactions with services and institutions, including education, housing, healthcare and employment. The selection of topics was informed by:

• engagement with representatives from Roma communities, ​​university researchers, ​​civil society organisations (CSOs), and colleagues from other government departments

• a review of existing evidence on Roma people's experiences in the UK and Europe

• our previous research with Gypsies and Travellers to enable comparisons of experiences, given the frequent aggregation of these groups in data and policy contexts

While Roma in England and Wales may share some experiences with other groups, such as those identifying as Gypsies or Travellers, or non-Roma migrants, the findings of this research highlight how these experiences combine in distinctive ways with Roma pre-migration experiences and other factors to shape Roma identity, lived experience and needs.

The topics were explored through 63 in-depth interviews, using semi-structured topic guides to allow participants to raise additional priorities. The research also included 19 interviews with key informants from organisations and services working with Roma, and five focus groups with Roma participants, service providers, researchers and local and central government.

We adopted a peer research approach for interviews with Roma participants, as detailed in Section 10: Methodology. To reflect the diversity within the Roma communities, the sample consisted of Roma individuals living in five locations across England and Wales, who had either migrated to, or were born in, the UK. Non-UK-born participants originated from six different countries and represent a wide range of educational, employment, and migration backgrounds. Further details of the achieved sample can be found in our accompanying dataset.

All names used in the report are pseudonyms. Quotations from focus groups and key informant interviews do not include information on participants' characteristics, as this was not collected.

Translation and our use of terminology

Interviews with participants were conducted in their preferred languages. Where interviews were held in languages other than English, they were subsequently translated into English by Roma peer researchers. Several quotations included in this report feature participants referring to themselves as "Gypsies". In most cases, this reflects a literal translation of the words "țigan" (Romanian) or "cigán" (Slovak), or the equivalent in other languages, rather than referring to the ethnic group of Romani Gypsies, distinct from Roma. However, as the intended meaning of the speaker is not always clear, for consistency and in keeping with our policy for the reporting of ethnic groups, we have capitalised "Gypsy" throughout. As discussed later in this report, while the term "Gypsy" is sometimes used within Roma communities in interpersonal contexts, it is widely considered offensive when used by individuals outside the communities, or as a conflation of different ethnic groups.

Participants reflected on their settlement in the UK, sharing their motivations for migration and the challenges of establishing stability in a new country. While some challenges appeared similar to those documented among other migrant groups, participants consistently emphasised experiences of discrimination prior to migration, which were seen as having a lasting influence on their expectations and experiences of life in the UK.

About the participant sample

Participants' circumstances on arriving in the UK varied. A small number were second-generation migrants born in the UK, while most arrived either before the age of 13 years, or between the ages of 20 and 29 years. Smaller numbers migrated during adolescence or later in life up to their mid-50s.

The sample included participants from the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Romanian and Bulgarian nationals were typically the most recent arrivals, with most having lived in the UK for less than 10 years. Hungarian participants appeared more established, often living in the UK for close to 10 years or more. Slovak nationals, the largest group in the sample, had been in the UK between 6 and 27 years, suggesting ongoing migration over time. Czech, and particularly Polish participants, were generally more consistently established, having typically migrated more than 15 and 20 years ago, respectively.

These patterns reflect the timing of EU accessions. Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary joined in 2004, with their nationals granted immediate rights to live and work in the UK. Romania and Bulgaria joined in 2007 but faced labour market restrictions until 2014. A small number of Polish and Slovak participants arrived before 2004, seeking asylum from persecution, which reflects wider migration trends.

Experiences before migrating to the UK

Participants described both positive memories of life before migrating to the UK and more challenging experiences of discrimination and limited opportunities linked to their Roma ethnicity. These experiences were seen as important drivers of migration, shaping participants' aspirations for life in the UK. They included experiences of public institutions as untrustworthy, shaping similar expectations of institutions in the UK.

Cherished aspects of their lives before moving to the UK included memories of childhood and youth, country life, family gatherings, and a strong sense of community.

Some gave examples of their families' positive interactions with people who were not Roma, including in schools, neighbourhoods and through church.

Despite these positive memories, participants' accounts were dominated by difficult experiences, particularly discrimination, abuse and historical persecution. Memories of Holocaust were still present within families and continued to shape identity and trust across generations.

Participants reported contemporary, firsthand experiences of physical threats, hostility, social exclusion, stereotyping and criminalisation linked to their Roma ethnicity in countries of origin.

Participants noted that individuals with darker skin were at greater risk of discrimination, as they were more easily identified as Roma in contexts with strong anti-Roma sentiment and broader racist attitudes. Some highlighted that other minoritised groups also experienced discrimination, with limited ethnic diversity in countries of origin seen to aggravate these risks.

Institutional discrimination was widely reported. While some Bulgarian and Hungarian participants described supportive school environments, the dominant narrative centred on low expectations from teachers and limited opportunities. Slovak, Czech, and Romanian participants sometimes referred to placement in separate Roma classes or exclusion from mainstream schools.

Limited educational opportunities affected skills development and future employment prospects, with participants also reporting being denied jobs because of their Roma ethnicity, despite having relevant qualifications.

Some also shared that job offers were withdrawn once their ethnicity became known.

Such experiences were more frequently recounted by participants who migrated as adults or adolescents. However, younger participants, who migrated in early childhood or were born in the UK, sometimes referred to family stories that continued to shape their perceptions.

Previous experiences of discrimination and limited opportunities were among the main factors that influenced people to migrate, and shaped hopes and aspirations for life in the UK. These included the need for safety and belonging, as well as better educational opportunities for children, and access to employment.

Experiences before migration were also seen to shape levels of trust in individuals and institutions in the UK, as illustrated by Pavol, a service provider whose mother was subjected to forced sterilisation. More information about this practice, which affected many Roma women in Slovakia until the early 2000s can be found in the Body and Soul report published by the Centre for Reproductive Rights and Centre for Civil and Human Rights (PDF, 997KB). Pavol described how the lasting trauma this left could influence willingness to seek medical help or engage with routine screening.

Journeys into and experiences of arrival in the UK

Participants shared what inspired their migration to the UK and discussed their beginnings in a new country, including impactful early memories of both positive and difficult encounters.

Participants commonly reported that migration to the UK was enabled by relatives or friends who had migrated earlier, often providing invitations and sharing positive accounts of work and education opportunities. This reflects established evidence on the importance of social networks for migrant groups (read more in Bilecen and Lubbers' 2021 article, The networked character of migration and transnationalism).

Participants with dependants adopted different migration strategies, with some moving to the UK together as a family, while others migrated alone first to establish stability, and then brought relatives later. Periods of separation were seen to affect well-being and increase the stress of settling in a new country.

Participants widely described feeling both nervous and excited on arrival in the UK. Early interactions with individuals in the UK often formed important memories and varied from welcoming acts of kindness to more mixed experiences.

Others had memories of more difficult beginnings. Cristina, who moved to the UK in early childhood, recalled her family's first visit to a local shop. The cashier and other customers became frustrated with her parents' struggle to communicate in English, and some laughed at them. The memory of how the event influenced her self-esteem was still vivid, several years later.

Some participants returned to their countries for extended periods because of caring responsibilities or medical treatment before returning to the UK. Participants also maintained transnational connections through family visits, attending important events, providing financial support to relatives, or continuing to own properties in their country of origin.

Building stability in the UK

Experiences of settling in, including finding housing, employment and navigating a new environment, varied widely and were shaped in part by access to resources, particularly social networks and educational opportunities in their countries of origin. This is illustrated through the following case studies, which present contrasting experiences of Janos and Johnny.

As a child, Janos was competitive, which pushed him to do well at school. Even so, he expected to start working with his uncle after primary school, just as his cousins had done. His teacher saw Janos’ potential and, after gaining support from his parents, filled in a secondary school application for him, telling him simply – ‘Sign it, you need to study’.

In his next school, Janos met another supportive teacher who insisted he go to university. Janos completed his degree, supported by an external organisation that worked with young Roma in higher education.

After finishing his studies, Janos moved to the UK with his wife, helped by siblings who already lived here. He picked up a few odd jobs at first, found a place to rent and few months later secured a professional role, steadily developing his career over the past few years.

(Janos, Hungarian Roma male, aged 30 to 39 years, living in the UK for 10 years or less)

Johnny went to a special school, like most Roma children in his town. He was eager to learn, but teachers treated him like he wasn’t capable of much and offered little support. After finishing school, there didn’t seem to be many choices open to him, so he decided to train as a construction worker.

Life wasn’t easy, with little work and stability, so when his family member suggested they try their luck in the UK, Johnny didn’t hesitate. They arrived in the UK and stayed with a relative who advised them to go to a job agency. Using a mix of hand gestures and a few phrases they learnt in English, they managed to get work in a factory.

But then, Johnny’s relative said she couldn’t house him anymore. With nowhere to go, he ended up squatting in an empty flat without electricity. One day, the landlord walked in. To Johnny’s surprise, he agreed for him to stay there for small rent and brought a contract. Feeling they had already been apart for too long, Johnny decided his wife and children could now join him.

After that, things weren’t always simple, sometimes there was no work, but over time Johnny felt life becoming easier. He moved house a few times, his children finished school, and he feels that the UK is his home now.

(Johnny, Czech Roma male, aged 40 to 49 years, living in the UK for over 20 years)

Support of relatives and friends played an essential role in obtaining housing in the early days in the UK. Some, like Janos, were able to secure sufficient income and move into independent living arrangements promptly. For others, gathering funds and appropriate documentation was a longer process. Staying with extended family could be insecure, as in Johnny's case, and was often associated with limited privacy and, sometimes, overcrowding, influencing overall well-being.

Experiences after finding their own accommodation varied, with some expressing satisfaction with the quality of housing, and others reporting challenges such as sub-optimal living conditions. These included mould, pests, and lack of furniture. While these experiences are not unique to Roma, they are highlighted here because poor living conditions, especially among those facing multiple disadvantages, may further undermine people's health and well-being.

A few participants reported being exploited by untrustworthy agents who collected rent without passing it on to landlords, creating precarious situations that sometimes resulted in families being wrongfully evicted with little or no notice.

Most participants appeared to achieve housing stability over time. However, some, particularly among those with shorter residence in the UK, continued to face challenges. These were linked to housing affordability in the context of the wider housing crisis, as well as difficulties navigating access to social housing linked to other barriers in accessing services. Additional challenges emerged for individuals who travelled to their countries of origin for extended periods, as gaps in required evidence made accessing housing difficult.

A small number of participants secured stable employment before or soon after arriving in the UK, but most initially took less secure, entry-level roles, often in manufacturing, construction, cleaning or hospitality. This was frequently arranged via agencies and on zero-hours contracts, contributing to job insecurity and, at times, pressure to accept unsafe working conditions that could affect long-term health.

Similar associations between poor housing and employment conditions and adverse health outcomes have also been reported among Gypsies and Travellers, as shown in our Gypsies' and Travellers' lived experiences, health, England and Wales: 2022 bulletin. However, for Roma participants who were not born in the UK, migration experiences and language barriers were sometimes reported as aggravating precarity in navigating employment and housing.

Early settlement was often marked by challenges in navigating unfamiliar systems, such as registering with doctors or accessing schooling, with those lacking support from family or friends sometimes experiencing delays in accessing essential services.

Experiences with the UK immigration system

The changes in immigration regulations following Brexit required EU migrants already resident in the UK to take action to secure their immigration status. Explanation of the types of immigration status under the EU Settlement Scheme are provided in Section 9: Glossary.

Participants described challenges in navigating the UK immigration system, including securing and evidencing their status, which affected daily life. These challenges can also be experienced by other migrant groups, as noted in Migration Observatory's report on Migrants' experiences of the UK immigration system. However, key informants emphasised that limited literacy, often linked to previous educational exclusion, can further exacerbate these difficulties for some Roma individuals.

The UK's immigration system was described as complex, and at times confusing, particularly when evidencing continuous residence. In some families, services were routinely registered under men's names, inadvertently disadvantaging women when proof was required.

These difficulties extended to those in more precarious circumstances. Key informants emphasised that the most vulnerable individuals, including those who were trafficked or working cash-in-hand, faced challenges when trying to gather evidence.

Additional challenges related to the digitalisation of immigration processes. Age, socio-economic status or disability are among important factors influencing digital exclusion, according to the House of Lords Communications and Digital Committee's report on Digital exclusion in the UK. Participants described difficulties using online systems, managing email communication, and accessing their accounts to ensure their information is up to date. Key informants described the same problem, adding that digital challenges can be compounded by limited access to devices and language barriers. Digitalisation was also seen as problematic in the context of limited functional literacy among some Roma, linked to experiences of educational exclusion before migration.

Some participants described difficulties accessing trustworthy support, which could expose them to exploitation or incorrect advice, causing delays and negatively affecting their applications.

There were also gaps in understanding how to move from pre-settled to settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme and the rights linked to each. Key informants noted similar knowledge gaps among some statutory service staff, such as around using share codes to verify status, which could affect access to services.

Without immigration status, individuals face barriers to accessing legal employment, housing, and healthcare. Key informants noted that challenges navigating the immigration system can push people into precarious situations, including debt and insecurity. Ille shared his experience of supporting a client in such circumstances:

Improving accessibility of the immigration system

Participants and key informants shared their views on how access to services could be improved for Roma, as detailed in Section 4: Navigating access to services in England and Wales. This took place in five focus groups, each exploring a different topic, and attended by representatives from Roma communities, key informants, service providers, and representatives from the relevant government departments. While many of the broader suggestions discussed in the focus groups were relevant to navigating the immigration system, key informants also shared ideas that focused specifically on easing engagement with it.

They described a need for simplified processes around evidencing residence and confirming immigration status. Suggestions included:

• exploring the potential of administrative data, such as NHS data, as a proof of continued residence 

• accepting testimonies from trusted institutions, such as schools or GP surgeries, to evidence presence in the country

• exploring alternative ways of verifying immigration status, such as via passports or digital IDs

For example, Adrian suggested accepting testimony from schools as a trusted institution.

Key informants also emphasised a need for improving understanding of the requirements for proving immigration status among public institutions. They suggested possible solutions, including, requiring public services to designate a "digital status" expert (suggested by Sophie, non-Roma key informant, local government).

Key informants valued the ongoing efforts to support the most vulnerable individuals by the Home Office Vulnerability Team and emphasised the importance of involving Roma grassroots organisations to improve reach and support trust.

Receiving and giving of support

Family and community networks were described as essential sources of support during settlement, with some participants also accessing help from councils, public services and civil society organisations (CSOs), including crisis support, advice on rights and guidance in navigating unfamiliar systems.

Gaining stability was often linked to a desire to give back to others. Many participants were involved in voluntary organisations, supporting both Roma and other communities. Elsa, an active volunteer, described helping others as a mission driving her choices and creating a strong sense of reward. Her own challenging experiences of settling in the UK provided her with understanding of needs and a motivation to support others in their journeys.

Participants and key informants highlighted a range of cross-cutting barriers that influenced access to services, such as:

• education

• housing

• health

• employment

Examples of barriers included:

• limited English proficiency among some Roma

• a lack of understanding of Roma history, cultural contexts, and needs among service providers

Key informants also described the limited data on Roma populations as a challenge to effective service provision. They identified the needs to:

• increase Roma representation in public institutions

• improve digital and administrative skills within Roma communities

• increase understanding of Roma experiences among service providers

• develop a National Roma Strategy similar to those used by EU member states

Language proficiency

English proficiency varied across participants. Of 63 interviews, 17 were conducted in English, with younger participants, who went to school in the UK, generally fluent, and adults reporting mixed ability. Barriers, including the cost of classes and immediate life pressures, limited opportunities for learning, particularly among more vulnerable individuals. Xena highlighted that access to language learning is shaped by stability and resources:

Language was seen as a substantial challenge to engaging with services in the UK. In healthcare, limited English proficiency could restrict access to primary care, reduce understanding of diagnoses, and hinder informed decision-making. One Hungarian participant described an incident in which a relative was asked to consent to him being placed on a ventilator while he was unconscious. She agreed, understanding the request as asking whether a fan could be switched on to provide fresh air. Although she did not realise it, she was making a potentially life-altering decision.

Language and comprehension challenges were also frequently highlighted as affecting parents' communication with schools, limiting their ability to act on the information they received. Some participants said they would have welcomed greater support from schools in explaining important information. For example, one participant recalled receiving a letter stating that her child had special needs but, at the time, she was unable to comprehend it and felt unsupported:

Limited proficiency was also linked to difficulties asserting rights and challenging unfair employment practices, increasing risks of exploitation. Carmen described how the initial language barrier made it difficult to stand up to management, who consistently assigned her to refrigerator work, rather than sharing it fairly:

Interpretation needs

While participants highlighted that interpreters could play an important role in mitigating language barriers, their accounts exposed complexity in accessing suitable language support. One challenge related to the unique, linguistic diversity within Roma communities. Participants spoke a range of languages, and their fluency varied considerably, with some young people, for example, fluent in Romanes and English, but not the language of their families' country of origin. There was also substantial variation in Romanes itself: participants who spoke it used different variants.

Key informants emphasised that service providers' limited understanding of Roma as a distinct ethnic group may lead to inaccurate assumptions about an individual's first language. This can undermine effective communication, particularly where specialist or complex vocabulary is used. Elle, a Romanian Roma civil society organisation (CSO) worker, stressed that members of the community she supports often struggle to understand the formal Romanian used by non-Roma translators. Where service providers are unaware of these challenges, misinterpretations can arise, such as perceiving an individual's inaction as a choice rather than a result of limited comprehension:

In the context of social services, key informants suggested that incorrect assumptions about a family’s first language increase the risk of misinterpreting family dynamics during case review. Magda gave examples where families with children taken into care were provided with non-Roma interpreters and required to use national languages in the supervised meetings so that services could understand them. She said, "suddenly those children are completely confused and put in an awful position where their parents speak to them in the language they don't understand". It was therefore seen as crucial that institutions working with Roma develop an understanding of their linguistic diversity and avoid making assumptions about interpretation needs.

Another challenge related to limited communities’ trust in non-Roma interpreters from their countries of origin and concerns about them causing harm. Several participants expressed mistrust rooted in pre-migration experiences and, sometimes, reinforced through interactions in the UK. A few of the Romanian, Czech and Slovak participants spoke of negative experiences with non-Roma interpreters and teaching assistants:

This view was reinforced by key informants, who reported that interpreters sometimes relied on their own prejudiced assumptions rather than translating word for word. Adriana, a Romanian Roma CSO worker, noted that this can "result in a racist interpretation of what the person has said" and risks biasing service providers’ perspectives.

To address limited access to suitable interpreters, many adults with limited English relied on their children for translation, sometimes at the request of service providers, placing them in age-inappropriate roles. Interpreting in complex settings, like medical appointments, could be beyond young people’s comprehension, regardless of their English fluency.

This could lead to misdiagnosis, as in Liliana's husband's case. After being refused an interpreter, he attended a GP appointment with their son and, because of miscommunication, was prescribed treatment for depression despite not suffering from it.

Other participants highlighted sensitivities around discussing health issues in the presence of relatives, particularly those of a different age and sex. Claudiu, a healthcare professional himself, noted that for some Roma, avoiding discussion of such topics is an expression of "a form of respect" (Romanian Roma participant, focus group). It could, however, mean that certain symptoms, particularly those considered to be more sensitive, may not be discussed, risking inaccurate diagnosis.

Children identified within the "Gypsy or Roma" category were among those with the highest rates of school absences in England, according to the Department for Education's pupil absences data for the academic year 2024 to 2025. Participants highlighted the challenges in accessing appropriate interpretation as a contributing factor. Some navigated these challenges by travelling to access healthcare abroad, which could disrupt children's school attendance. Milena (Bulgarian Roma female, aged 14 to 19 years, living in the UK for 10 years or less) described losing her place in college after spending a few weeks abroad because of a medical emergency. Several participants also recalled missing school days because of interpretation responsibilities.

Access to services and gaps in understanding of Roma communities

Participants and key informants repeatedly highlighted that some service providers lacked understanding of Roma, often conflating them with other EU migrants or with Gypsy and Traveller communities. They emphasised limited awareness of the long-term discrimination faced by Roma and its effects on access to education and levels of trust in public services, alongside the lack of flexibility in how services are delivered. A common view was that modes for engaging with services often excluded people with limited literacy and digital skills. Examples included reliance on apps to facilitate communication with schools or housing services, as well as for booking medical appointments.

Key informants also shared examples where services overlooked the precarious situations of vulnerable individuals. One common example related to families being penalised for reduced school attendance, after being relocated to temporary accommodation far from school:

They also highlighted that limited awareness of specific cultural practices could lead to misinterpretations and undermine outcomes. Adela, a CSO worker, described a case where a social worker cited a grandmother using an alternative name for her grandson as evidence of a weak relationship, when in fact this reflected common Roma naming practices and indicated a close bond.

Limited institutional awareness of the experiences of disadvantage was seen to further erode individuals’ trust in services, which for many had already been fractured before migration. This could lead individuals to avoid seeking help when needed, including for mental health support, because of fears of social services involvement. Participants’ accounts also highlighted the need for more information and to raise awareness around confidentiality and reasons for referrals.

Exclusion and data 

Limited availability of data about Roma populations in the UK was identified by key informants as a fundamental barrier to informed service provision. They highlighted several factors contributing to poor representation of Roma people within available data, including inconsistent collection of ethnicity data, which limits understanding of the proportion of EU migrants who are Roma.

Sometimes where ethnicity data are collected, the “Roma” option is subsumed within the “Gypsy, Roma, Traveller (GRT)” tick box. This was widely seen as problematic, because of distinct experiences and needs of these communities. Key informants stressed that Roma are typically settled rather than nomadic and can face additional barriers arising from their position as migrants and their pre-migration histories. Some participants felt that a “GRT” tick box did not represent their identity and described discomfort ticking the option:

The complexities around the use of the term "Gypsy" are explored in more detail in Section 6: Identifying as Roma. 

Alongside these challenges, both participants and key informants identified limited trust in public institutions as a barrier to effective data representation. Several participants expressed that they did not always feel safe to disclose their Roma ethnicity, because of historical misuse of such data in other countries, the legacy of which continues to undermine confidence in how data may be used. Read more detail in Section 6: Identifying as Roma.

Suggested improvements relating to access to services

In focus group discussions with service providers and representatives from the relevant government departments, participants and key informants suggested a range of ways to improve inclusion and reduce barriers to Roma accessing services. One recurring theme reflected the need to improve service providers' understanding of Roma communities, including the broader context of discrimination and its impacts:

There were suggestions that community-led training should be provided and acknowledgements that many service providers already made efforts to access it. Key informants suggested that such training could be incorporated into early professional development, with one stressing that “it has to happen really early, when people are students because that is... the right way to have long-lasting change... change entire attitudes of the workforce” (Natalie, non-Roma key informant). Key informants also emphasised the importance of meaningful collaboration between service providers and grassroots organisations, to support effective engagement and trusting relationships.

Increasing representation of Roma across different settings, including public institutions and services, was also seen as crucial. Participants shared positive examples of schools and healthcare providers employing Roma staff to mitigate communication challenges and build trust. Elena recalled her own experience working in a school. She described initiating meetings with Roma parents, and achieving high attendance from individuals who had previously had little engagement with the school:

Improving the visibility of Roma communities, including through incorporating Roma history into the school curriculum, was also emphasised. Participants stressed the importance of ensuring Roma are represented in everyday contexts, such as public-facing materials or campaigns, to support feelings of being welcome and seen. Ana shared an example of her UK university tutor, who included a Roma character in a case study for her module:

Xena shared that Roma are often “just a negative statistic” and “what will make it better is… really seeing more of Roma… true examples of Roma lives and the struggles they go through” (Czech Roma female, aged 40 to 49, living in the UK between 11 and 20 years).

There was a sense of hope that such initiatives could support a more nuanced and realistic representation of Roma, challenge stereotypes, and support individuals to feel safe to disclose their identity.

Key informants also emphasised the importance of building capability among vulnerable members of the communities by offering digital skills training or affordable English classes.

They also advocated for more flexible ways to access and communicate with services, including alternatives to fully digital systems, and called for clear, accessible information on the support available from both local authorities and CSOs.

EU member states are expected to develop National Roma Integration Strategies to ensure coordinated, evidence-based action on inequalities, as outlined in the European Commission's strategic framework for equality, inclusion and participation 2020. Key informants described advocacy work to encourage adoption of a similar long-term, government-led approach in the UK.

Although key informants noted that further development of grassroots organisations is needed to enhance access to support for Roma people across the UK, they also recognised considerable progress to date. Developing communities' capacity over recent years was seen as helping to create visible role models and foster pride among younger generations:

Participants' narratives highlighted how they built relationships and negotiated belonging in the UK. Their accounts reflected a strong sense of feeling safer and more welcome in the UK than in their countries of origin, although experiences of discrimination and stereotyping were also reported. These related both to their Roma identity (particularly among younger participants, who were sometimes referred to as "Gypsies" at school) and to other aspects of identity, including skin colour and migrant status. Sharing aspects of Roma cultural heritage with others was seen as fostering positive relationships and mutual understanding with other communities.

Feeling welcome

Across the sample, participants generally perceived the UK as more ethnically diverse than their countries of origin, with lower awareness of Roma identity seen to offer greater anonymity and the ability to choose whether to disclose it. While, as discussed in Section 4: Navigating access to services in England and Wales, this lack of visibility was also seen as a considerable challenge for effective service provision, some participants viewed it as beneficial in direct interactions, particularly in light of past experiences of discrimination.

Feelings of inclusion featured strongly in participants’ accounts and, for the non-UK-born participants, were often contrasted with pre-migration experiences. Several participants expressed that in the UK they were treated as individuals and not seen through the lens of stereotypes about Roma. This was seen to support a sense of safety, with some emphasising they felt freer to express their Roma identity in public.

Positive experiences of social interactions contributed to increased trust towards non-Roma among some participants.

Experiences of hostility and stereotyping

Alongside these narratives of acceptance, participants also recounted experiences of exclusion, discrimination and harassment. Some young people, including those who had grown up in the UK, described being targeted based on their Roma ethnicity. Several recalled incidents of racial slurs and bullying at school:

There was a shared view among both young people and parents that bullying was not being adequately addressed, with some feeling that Roma pupils who tried to defend themselves were more likely to face disciplinary action and exclusions.

More commonly, participants described experiences of discrimination related to other aspects of their identity such as gender or skin colour.

For Romanian participants, nationality emerged as a frequently cited source of stereotyping and unfair treatment.

There were also wider concerns about rising anti-immigration sentiment in the UK, particularly following Brexit, with events such as the Southport riots in summer 2024 cited as having a substantial emotional impact and undermining some participants’ sense of safety and freedom to go outside.

Public acts of support towards migrants during the riots were seen as meaningful, leaving a powerful impression on participants. Florin recalled:

Seeking connections

Participants described a range of sources from which they drew meaningful relationships and a sense of belonging. For many across the groups, family emerged as a central anchor. Participants reported spending most of their time with relatives and viewed these relationships as their main source of companionship and friendship.

While some participants spoke of not having or seeking access to Roma networks where they lived, such connections were important for many younger and older participants, and usually involved Roma who were from the same country and who spoke the same language or variant of Romanes.

Such social networks commonly formed around shared experiences, such as parenthood, studying at university, or navigating similar life stages, and were described as offering a sense of understanding, safety, and freedom of expression, alongside shared heritage and traditions:

Some, notably Romanian participants in the East of England and Bulgarian and Polish participants in London, highlighted faith-based communities as an important source of meaningful relationships. These areas appeared to have well-established faith communities, offering participants of different ages an opportunity to make friendships. They were also described as providing a sense of “peace and some comfort” (Lucyna, aged 50 to 59 years, Poland, living in the UK for over 20 years). However, such communities were not equally accessible to all. Some participants expressed that there were no churches locally that reflected their faith or offered services in their preferred language.

Young people described making friendships through schools and recreational interest groups, with some preferring relationships with other Roma, and others having mixed networks. Places of employment were important for adults, often providing opportunities to connect with non-Roma and to build supportive networks. One example of this was given by Ferenc, who described his work friends as his family, and shared how his boss supported him through crisis:

English language proficiency was described as crucial for building connections with people outside Roma and same-country communities, and to fostering a sense of inclusion. Limited English skills could present a barrier to forming meaningful relationships beyond these networks, with some describing this as influencing their ability to express their personality freely, which could negatively affect self-esteem.

Building connections with non-Roma individuals was widely regarded as worthwhile. Participants emphasised the benefits for improving English, as well as wider personal growth. Attila shared his experiences of connecting with an international community and stressed its formative value for his outlook and identity:

The participants who described feeling isolated in the UK referred to limited family and friendship networks. This loneliness was reported to have a negative impact on their well-being and mental health, contributing to feelings of sadness, stress and disconnection:

Additionally, participants who observed social isolation among the wider Roma communities spoke about taking steps to help address this. One example was given by Alzbeta, who established a local group bringing Roma individuals together to build connections and share information:

Sharing heritage to build bridges

Showcasing music, dance, food and other expressions of identity was widely seen as an opportunity to foster curiosity about Roma heritage, encourage dialogue and build bridges with other communities. Young participants described positive experiences of exchanging their cultural practices with peers via cultural days organised by schools to celebrate diversity and informal interactions:

The International Roma Day, celebrated each year on 8 April, was seen as an opportunity for raising awareness and creating engagement. Some participants were involved in organising events to celebrate it in their local area and felt joy and pride about how they have been received:

Key informants similarly emphasised the value of creating opportunities to learn about Roma. They saw them as important for challenging stereotypes, engaging in meaningful dialogue and building more connected communities:

Defining home: belonging and place

The concept of "home" was frequently discussed in interviews. Across the sample, most of the participants who were not born in the UK tended to refer to their countries of origin as home. However, when asked explicitly where they felt their home was and where they belonged, accounts diverged. Some identified the UK, others the towns they grew up in and countries of origin, while a few felt as though they had no home.

When explaining what "home" meant to them, participants focused on three themes: family, safety, and personal history. For some, having close family abroad made it difficult to fully embrace the UK as home. For others, having their family in the UK appeared to enhance their connections and sense of belonging.

Among older participants, feeling safer and more accepted after moving to the UK was an important contributor to forming attachment and perceiving it as home:

Experiencing important life events and milestones, such as growing up, childbirth or building a career were also seen as strongly influencing the understanding of home. For some of the younger participants, living through these events in the UK appeared to consolidate their belonging in the country. Others, across different age groups, emphasised the ongoing connection to their countries of origin, based on memories, personal history and a place of birth:

Some of the participants who had children growing up in the UK felt that their children were not connected to their parents’ countries of origin, instead perceiving the UK as their home.

A recurring theme was the wish to maintain balance between retaining connection to participants’ heritage and developing a sense of belonging in the UK. Participants often had ongoing connections with their countries of origin. At the same time, many embraced growing attachments to the UK, participated in British cultural celebrations and felt pride about their children’s proficiency in English.

Participants' identities emerged as multi-layered, with "Roma" forming one aspect among several, including national and professional identities. Their reflections on the terms used to describe their ethnic identity highlighted tensions around language and categorisation. Participants described how their identities were at times contested by others, which reinforced stereotypes and exclusion. Decisions about disclosure of ethnicity were often strategic and shaped by previous and ongoing experiences of discrimination, and concerns about how Roma identity would be perceived.

Layered identities

Participants were invited to reflect on the main influences that had shaped who they are today. Their responses highlighted multiple, layered aspects of identity that they considered important to their understanding of self.

Personal history emerged as a core element of identity for many participants, whose narratives emphasised memories of places and communities in which they grew up. Janos reflected on his childhood in a Roma settlement, describing a sense of privilege in how the wisdom of older community members had shaped him:

Professional roles were widely discussed as an important influence on identity, particularly in relation to providing material security for families and contributing to a sense of personal fulfilment. Ferenc described how securing stable employment enhanced his sense of identity, which was reinforced when he met an old acquaintance during a holiday in Hungary:

Participants also discussed being Roma as an integral element of who they are. The importance of Roma history featured prominently in these accounts. Across different age groups, many expressed a strong commitment to raising awareness of the historical crimes against Roma by speaking up in schools or through their advocacy work.

Alongside a broader Roma identity, participants at times highlighted their belonging to specific Roma groups, such as Olah, or Kalaydji. Many also embraced their national identities, describing themselves as, for example, Czech or Polish or, particularly among those growing up in the UK, as British.

Retaining connection to roots, heritage and faith

Participants were invited to reflect on what being Roma meant to them. Although values, traditions or cultural practices varied, several were commonly described. Many highlighted the importance of gathering over food, around barbecues and bonfires, as well as playing music and dancing.

Several participants across different age groups spoke about playing musical instruments, performing in bands, or joining dance groups. Engagement in these activities was sometimes perceived as important for maintaining connection with their heritage after settling in the UK. One mother expressed that as her children spent most of their time with English peers, going to a Roma dance group gave them a chance to “learn about our culture too” (Judit, Hungarian Roma female, aged 30 to 39 years, living in the UK for 10 years or less).

Across the sample, participants also highlighted several recurring values that they felt to be central to their identity, and that were shared by individuals with different characteristics. These included a focus on family, responsibility towards relatives, and respect for others, considered particularly important towards older generations.

The importance of community was also widely emphasised. Several participants described Roma community as an extension of family and highlighted the importance of unity over individualism.

The Roma anthem and flag were viewed as important symbols of belonging, carrying particular significance in fostering a sense of identity and unity within a transnational community:

The values attached to family and community were also linked to a strong sense of reciprocity. Participants emphasised the importance of empathy and helping others, which for many translated into practical action, such as volunteering or supporting others in need.

A recurring theme across participants’ accounts was the importance placed on faith and spirituality. Participants identified with a range of faiths, including Orthodox and Pentecostal Christianity, Islam and Jehovah’s Witness. Within narratives of faith, God was described as a higher power, who created everyone equal and who offered protection in situations beyond an individual’s control.

Participants highlighted studying religious text and prayer as ways of getting closer to the higher power and gaining wisdom. Faith was seen to provide guidelines for life, moral direction, a sense of meaning and emotional support.

Additionally, some of the participants from Hungary, Slovakia and Romania described the importance of permanence of marriage and maintaining community-defined notions of respectability in interactions with the opposite sex.

Changing values and traditions

At times, participants explained that certain values they viewed as commonly accepted by their communities did not align with their own beliefs and identities. Some described internal conflicts and difficulties navigating their identity as a gay person, or a single mother in the context of wider communities' expectations. Sometimes this was linked to a desire to challenge these norms, as described by Ingrid, whose parents struggled with her decision to divorce her husband. In bringing up her own children, Ingrid wanted them to "know they can re-marry... and they can speak about it" (Slovakian Roma female, aged 20 to 29 years, living in the UK for 10 years or less).

Participants also highlighted that traditions and values are ever-changing. Examples included changing expectations around gender roles. Ana and Alzbeta highlighted that while women had traditionally been expected to look after the family and men to act as breadwinners, these roles were becoming increasingly flexible.

Alongside recognising these changes, some participants voiced concerns about losing values that they saw as important elements of Roma identity. These included fears about erosion of faith, loss of community, and a move towards individualism.

There were also concerns about the loss of connection to heritage, illustrated by the perceived decline in use of the Romanes language among some Roma groups. This was seen to be linked to historic persecution, pressures to integrate, and migration. Some participants expressed embarrassment about not being fluent, others felt emotional about the loss of a cultural asset:

Tensions around terms used to describe Roma identity

Participants' narratives highlighted tensions around terms used to describe Roma identity. 

Several participants, across the groups, described themselves as "Gypsy". In this context, the term did not refer to the Romani Gypsy ethnic group but reflected a translation of "țigan" (in Romanian, or its equivalent in other languages), an informal label sometimes applied to Roma across Europe. While the term was often embraced in informal, social contexts, many participants expressed discomfort in it being applied by others. It was often linked to negative judgement and stereotypes, and seen to be externally imposed throughout history, to stigmatise Roma.

Participants frequently highlighted the need to educate the UK service providers about these tensions to support trusting relationships and fair representation. Sabina described her relative’s experience of supporting another Roma family during social services involvement. She recalled that the mother asked the social worker to leave after he repeatedly referred to the family as “Gypsies”, which he later interpreted as aggression. Reflecting on this, Sabina noted:

Using the term “Gypsy” was also seen to reflect confusion and reinforce the misperception that Roma and Romani Gypsy are one group.

The term Roma was widely considered by participants as more appropriate for reflecting the unique history and identity of participants.

Contested identities

Participants recounted experiences in which others questioned, challenged or denied their national or Roma identity, which was viewed as a means of excluding or stereotyping. Participants described situations from their countries of origin, where their right to identify with that nation was contested. One participant recalled being asked to complete a form that included a question on nationality, during his military service. When he later saw the form again, he discovered that his selection of "Bulgarian" had been crossed out.

Similar experiences of contesting national identity and belonging were described in educational settings in countries of origin. In some cases, this involved being prevented by teachers from participating in traditional celebrations, while for others exclusion occurred among peers. For example, Alina discussed her sibling's experience during a school performance in Romania:

In other accounts, participants described experiences in which their Roma identity was questioned or contested by others, particularly when their experiences and achievements did not align with prevailing negative stereotypes. Many felt that public representations of Roma emphasised vulnerability, leaving little room for narratives that diverged from this framing. This was perceived as marginalising Roma who were not seen as vulnerable, while reinforcing narrow and limiting stereotypes about Roma identity.

Disclosing Roma ethnicity

Participants' narratives highlighted ongoing tensions linked to disclosure of Roma ethnicity. While some expressed feeling comfortable sharing their ethnic identity, fear of disclosure emerged as a strong and recurring theme. Sharing ethnicity was widely perceived as carrying the risk of discrimination, stereotyping, or direct harm. Participants often described these fears as deeply rooted, shaped by past experiences and reinforced through wider social attitudes and representations.

Similar feelings were expressed by participants of different nationalities and ages, including those who had grown up in the UK. These perceptions appeared to be influenced both by intergenerational trauma and firsthand experiences of discrimination. Some young people described how their parents, seeking to protect them, encouraged them to conceal their ethnicity, a view that was sometimes reinforced by their own experiences.

Disclosing ethnicity was presented as strategic and context dependent. Respect, curiosity and kindness emerged as important factors in helping participants to feel safe discussing their ethnic identity. Building trusting relationships often took time. Schools were frequently named among the settings that, through regular positive interactions, could foster a sense of safety around discussions of ethnic identity.

For those who felt more comfortable disclosing their identity, this appeared to be influenced by the presence of strong role models within families and the wider communities, participation in programmes celebrating Roma identity and cultural diversity, involvement with Roma civil society organisations (CSOs), and positive interactions with non-Roma. These experiences could encourage individuals to adopt advocacy roles.

Some participants described advocacy as a way to reclaim identity in the face of oppression and to challenge harmful stereotypes. Young people gave examples of educating their peers to support a more nuanced understanding of Roma. Ana described telling colleagues at work she was Roma to pre-empt and avoid potential derogatory comments. Others spoke of sharing their identity as a means of role modelling and fostering a sense of pride among other Roma, which they viewed as fundamental for future generations.

Aspirations and hopes for the future varied across participants of different age groups, reflecting their diverse life stages. Younger participants, many of whom were still in education, focused their ambitions on future careers such as law, medicine, policing, business, and hair and beauty services, among others. They described actively working towards these goals, including learning skills through social media platforms and making strategic decisions about their college and university education.

When asked about their motivations, several themes emerged in young people’s responses. Some shared their hopes to improve their economic situation, often linking these ambitions to a sense of responsibility towards their families. Bence, for example, hoped that his future barber shop would create employment opportunities for his relatives. Similarly, Jana discussed how her commitment to education and weekend work was fuelled by a desire to support her parents:

Other important motivators included participants wanting to prove to themselves and others what they can achieve, to challenge stereotypes, and to make their family proud. Young people were also motivated by the desire to take advantage of what they perceived as greater opportunities available in the UK:

Aspirations expressed by participants aged between 20 to 55 years tended to focus on personal growth and improving their existing circumstances, as well as aspiring for their children to access education, secure employment, and socio-economic opportunities. Examples of personal goals included to improve English proficiency, develop their career and gain additional qualifications. Some participants spoke of attending evening English classes or, like Eszter, being in adult education:

Others had clearly mapped trajectories for progressing within their professions, while for some the priority was finding employment that was better paid and more stable. Advocacy and purposeful work were also discussed by some participants as a means of developing their skills to improve the lives of others.

Those aged over 55 years tended to express hope for security and a good life for their families. They emphasised the importance of good health, emotional well-being, spiritual growth, and family relationships, over material wealth.

There was also a sense of gratitude expressed by some, as they reflected on their lives:

Gadze or Gadjo

A Roma term commonly used to describe people of non-Roma origin.

Civil society organisations (CSOs)

Formally registered organisations operating independently of government to advance public or community interests rather than generate profit. Examples include charities, community interest companies, and co-operatives.

Participants

In this research, the term refers to Roma individuals who took part in interviews and focus groups to share their experiences.

Key informants

In this research, the term refers to service providers, from both Roma and non-Roma backgrounds, who participated in a professional capacity, contributing their experiences and expertise of working with and supporting Roma communities. This group included representatives from voluntary organisations, local government and services (for example, education, health, and law).

Immigration status

A person's permission or right to be in the UK under immigration law, and any conditions attached to that permission, which determine what they can do in the UK, such as working, studying, and accessing public services.

EU Settlement Scheme

The EU Settlement Scheme applies to those who were resident in the UK before the end of the post-Brexit transition period at 11pm on 31 December 2020, and who are citizens of:

• the European Union (EU)

• other European Economic Area (EEA) countries

• Switzerland

In line with the Citizens' Rights Agreements, the EU Settlement Scheme grants permission to people in these categories, and their family members, to enter, or remain in, the UK.

Settled status 

Indefinite leave to enter (ILE) or indefinite leave to remain (ILR) granted under the EU Settlement Scheme, usually where the person has lived in the UK for a continuous five-year period (known as "continuous residence"). Settled status means that a person has immigration status under UK law and there is no time limit on how long they can stay in the UK. People with settled status can work, study, use the NHS, access public funds such as benefits and pensions (if they are eligible for them), and travel in and out of the UK, subject to time restrictions.

Pre-settled status 

Limited leave to enter (LTE) or limited leave to remain (LTR) granted under the EU Settlement Scheme, initially for a period of five years. Pre-settled status means that a person has immigration status under UK law and can work, study, use the NHS, access public funds, such as benefits and pensions (if they are eligible for them), and travel in and out of the UK, subject to time restrictions.

Pre-settled status holders are able to apply for settled status as soon as they have accrued five years' continuous residence in the UK. In some cases, pre-settled status may be automatically converted to settled status, without the holder having to make a further application to the EU Settlement Scheme.

Share code

A unique code generated through the UK Visas and Immigration online system, allowing individuals to prove their immigration status under the EU Settlement Scheme. Employers, landlords and service providers can use this code to verify a person's right to work, rent and access public services, in the UK.

The Office for National Statistics (ONS) conducted this research in partnership with Migration Yorkshire, Roma Support Group (RSG) and University of Sheffield. These organisations have an in-depth understanding of Roma communities and well-established networks, developed through years of experience providing support and conducting research with Roma.

Two advisory groups informed and guided the research throughout the project cycle, including refining study focus, developing participant materials, consulting on early findings and the dissemination strategy. One group offered expertise based on lived experience and professional understanding of the communities. This group comprised academics, members of Roma communities, and civil society organisations (CSOs). The second group helped to ensure relevance to policy and service delivery by bringing together colleagues from central government departments and Welsh Government, who provided advice on policy context, stakeholder engagement, and areas of interest.

We adopted a peer research approach to facilitate access to communities, enable participants to express themselves in their preferred language, and help to address power imbalances during interviews. The data were gathered through 63 in-depth interviews between February and June 2025. Of these, 54 were conducted by 11 peer researchers, and 9 were conducted by an experienced non-Roma researcher to support peer researcher training and mitigate availability issues.

Interviews were approximately 1 hour in length and took place primarily face-to-face, with 11 participants opting to be interviewed online. Over half of those interviewed online were aged 14 to 18 years, with some of the older participants choosing this option because of mobility issues or discomfort around in-person interviews, when a peer researcher of the same sex was not available.

The sample included Roma from six countries of origin:

• the Czech Republic

• Bulgaria

• Hungary

• Poland

• Romania

• Slovakia

The sample also included those born in the UK. Participants were recruited in five locations across England and Wales, including:

• East of England

• North West

• London

• Yorkshire and Humber

• Wales

The selection of countries of origin and research locations was informed by consultations with research partners and advisory groups. The sample was designed to meet the following aims:

• recognise and explore the diversity of experiences of individuals from different Roma groups, representing diverse beliefs, traditions, migration histories and settlement patterns in the UK

• capture a diverse range of perspectives across sex and age groups

• acknowledge that individuals' experiences are shaped not only by their background but also by the local contexts in which they live, and to avoid overrepresenting evidence from a single locality

• support participant recruitment by including locations with high Roma populations and existing CSOs

The interviews took place in participants' preferred languages, including Romanes, English, and languages of the countries of origin. Participants were reimbursed for their time.

In addition, the ONS team held online interviews with 19 key informants from CSOs supporting Roma, local government, and services, such as health and education. These interviews aimed to provide contextual understanding of challenges faced by Roma and to explore these from the perspective of service providers.

Jointly with Roma Support Group, the ONS team also facilitated five focus groups, bringing together community members, service providers, and local and central government. The discussions focused on the initial findings from the interviews and explored participants' perspectives on the main challenges, as well as their suggestions for potential improvements, with a view to providing insights that could inform future service provision. 

Working with peer researchers

The peer researchers were recruited by our research partners from the six national groups included in this research. Efforts were made to include a balance of males and females of different ages and to match interviewers and participants on these characteristics where possible, to support comfort and freedom of expression.

The peer researchers received training from the University of Sheffield and the ONS on interviewing techniques, data protection, ethics and safeguarding. Migration Yorkshire's researcher provided one-to-one support and mentoring throughout data collection. In-depth feedback and support were offered, on an individual basis, after the first interviews.

The ONS team hosted fortnightly meetings online where peer researchers shared their experiences interviewing, reflected on emerging themes and received further support and debriefing. Peer researchers were also invited to take part in focus groups, and to attend an analytical workshop, where they contributed to the interpretation of findings. Their community connections, trust, and familiarity played an important role in recruitment, interviewing and interpretation.

Sampling and analysis

Participants were recruited through peer researchers' networks, Roma Support Group, and CSOs operating in the research localities. We adopted maximum variation purposive sampling to ensure diverse experiences and perspectives were explored. We thus aimed to include a balance of male and female participants of different ages, covering six selected nationalities. Peer researchers also aimed to include individuals with different lengths of residence in the UK and varied migration statuses.

The data were analysed inductively, using a qualitative thematic analysis methodology to identify emergent themes, patterns and concepts from participants' accounts. The approach involved:

• early familiarisation with the data to note initial patterns

• drafting codes

• collating codes into broader themes

• restructuring, refining and interpreting themes

Codes and themes were iteratively reviewed by the research team to test emerging patterns, build consensus, and deepen interpretation, including through analysing data across participants with different characteristics. The research findings were reviewed and tested with peer researchers and advisory groups through consultative workshops.

Limitations

• Because of the qualitative nature of the research, it is important to acknowledge that the findings may not be generalisable to other settings and reflect a particular time and context. 

• The sample included a small number of UK-born participants, and the findings largely reflect the experiences of participants who were first-generation migrants; as the demographic profile of Roma communities in England and Wales changes over time, with more individuals born and raised in the UK, future research may identify different experiences, needs and priorities.

• Recruitment via peer researcher and CSOs' networks means that members of the communities who are particularly isolated and unable to access CSOs' support are unlikely to have been included in this research.

• The sample did not include individuals who migrated to the UK after the end of the post-Brexit transition period (31 December 2020), whose experiences may differ.

• Peer research has the potential to produce data that are richer and more reflective of the communities whose experiences are being explored; while most peer researchers were new to qualitative interviewing, their skills developed with practice, feedback, and ongoing support, leading to increasingly detailed data over time.

• As different peer researchers focused on participants from specific countries of origin, our ability to draw interpretations on the basis of this characteristic was limited because of individual differences in interviewing approach and choice of probing questions.

Acknowledgements

The Inclusive Research team in the Centre for Equalities and Inclusion would like to thank all those who have contributed their skills, knowledge and experience to this research. This work would not have been possible without the generous input of our research participants, peer researchers, Migration Yorkshire, Roma Support Group, University of Sheffield, members of our two advisory groups, and supporting organisations. 

Peer researchers

Alexandra Bahor, Katarina Dome, Olga Fuseini, Gabriel Głowacki, Fabian Horvath, Viktoria Kalinacova, Nikola Kowalska, Simona Lazar, Assen Slavchev

Migration Yorkshire team

Dave Brown, Dr Vanja Čelebičić, Kate Honcharova, Ewa Jamróz, Tanya Roberts, Sophie Tong, Dr Philippa Tyler

Roma Support Group team

Mihai Calin Bica, Sylvia Ingmire, Simina Neagu, Andrea Toma, Ted Sale, Gaba Smolińska-Poffley

University of Sheffield team

Olga Fuseini, Dr Owen Parker, Dr Lois Orton

The experts by experience and research professionals advisory group

Prof Colin Clark, Prof Margaret Greenfields, Aluna Lepadatu, Dr Aleksandar Marinov, Prof Győző Molnár, Fernando Ruiz Molina, Dr Marius Taba

The cross-government advisory group

Representatives from: Cabinet Office, Department for Education, Department for Health and Social Care, Home Office, Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, UK Health Security Agency, Welsh Government 

The civil society organisations who contributed to the research

BG Centre UK, Clifton Learning Partnership, European Drom, Luton Roma Trust, Roma Access Newcastle, Roma Voice Centre, TGP CYMRU, Union Romani Voice